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Deregulation Japan-style: on the (local) grog

Reading Time: 5 mins

In Brief

(with thanks to Ichiro Araki)

Japan appeared to have recovered from its own financial crisis a decade ago, albeit at the cost of much accumulated government debt. The country was then hit by the collapse of its export markets and the rapid rise of the yen, following the imminent global recession.

Professor Iwao Nakatani, former Chairman of Sony, has urged a radical shift in economic policy in Japan and elsewhere from policy ‘based on neo-conservative economics and the philosophy of small government to one based on Keynesianism and welfare state ideology’.

Some may be sceptical as to whether Japan ever really embraced the former philosophy, and its ascendancy was certainly never as pronounced as in the US, the UK or then Australia.

But deregulation of alcohol distribution is one of Japan’s many transformations over the last decade. It is also the flipside of ever-stricter rules on drink driving, although these rules also reflect a broader trend towards criminalisation of socio-economic deviance, evident in product safety or consumer credit re-regulation.

On the other hand, deregulation is most notable in terms of where you can buy alcohol to celebrate this New Year of the Ox: namely, vending machines and those ubiquitous convenience stores. It is less obvious in what you pay, especially for certain beer substitutes, which reflect differential tax rates.

In fact, these tax rates may well violate WTO law. Yet there is probably not enough financial reward for potential beer exporters to Japan to encourage their home governments to sue Japan. So an implication for FTA negotiators , even those from Australia, may be to seek some offset advantage in their overall bilateral deal with Japan, which would further undermine the entire multilateral WTO framework.

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Rising numbers of visitors to Japan and other commentators have remarked on the proliferation of automatic vending machines, including those selling alcohol. Careful observers may have noticed an ID card ‘reader’ supplied with many machines since 2001. Designed mainly to check the age given on drivers’ licences, the readers were partly a response to stricter punishments introduced for liquor store owners selling alcohol to minors. They were also intended to claw back market share for ‘mom and pop’ stores. Such stores’ share had dropped from 76 per cent in 1983 to 27 per cent by 2000. The big winners of increasing licensing liberalisation had been larger discount outlets and especially convenience stores, particularly after rule changes in 1993, 1998 and 2003.

By last year, at least in Kyoto, many remaining stores seemed to have rendered the readers inoperable, as the above photo shows. One store owner just told me that they led to too large a drop in sales!

The local police don’t seem too concerned, now that alcohol is available in so many convenience stores 24/7, although things are reportedly different in parts of Osaka where teenage drinking remains a social problem.

This seems a victory for the proponents of deregulation, despite opposition from many LDP parliamentarians and their small business constituents, although some health and consumer interest advocates are concerned as well. But this industry turns out to be more complicated.

Of Japan’s large alcohol market, sake (rice wine), shochu (distilled spirits), and dai-san biiru (‘third-category’ beer) each make up about 10 per cent, followed by around 20 per centfor happoshu and 40 per cent for (real) beer. The latter must have a malt content of at least 67 per cent, but is the most heavily taxed.

In 1994, Suntory began marketing beer-like happoshu with malt content of 65 per cent, while Sapporo developed happoshu containing less than 25 per cent malt. Each attracted lower tax rates, and hence could be sold much more cheaply than real beer.

From 1996, however, the government responded by hiking the tax rates for both types of happoshu. In 2003, it also raised tax on happoshu with 25-50 per cent malt content. However, its tax and that of happoshu with less than 25 per cent malt remained less than that on high-malt happoshu or real beer. In 2004, Sapporo and Suntory responded with a zero-malt dai-san biiru, which incurred an even lower tax, and hence retail price, than any happoshu.

In 2002, the then Director of Research at RIETI (a METI offshoot), argued that Japan’s existing tax differentials between happoshu and real beer amounted to tax discrimination between ‘like products’, contrary to WTO rules:

‘Article III:2 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade says: “The products of the territory of any Member imported into the territory of any other Member shall not be subject, directly or indirectly, to internal taxes or any other internal charges of any kind in excess of those applied, directly or indirectly, to like domestic products.” There is no question that beer and happoshu are like products. To the extent that imported beer is subject to tax in excess of those applied to domestically produced happoshu, it is inconsistent with the WTO rules. …

The tax authorities are right in their move to equalize the level of taxation between beer and happoshu. The major breweries opposed to this are wrong. Their argument that happoshu is a totally new product might have been more persuasive if there had been a net increase in the combined market of beer and happoshu, but in reality, happoshu merely substituted some of the beer market. Beer and happoshu should be taxed equally. Of course, the tax authorities could decide to lower the tax rate on beer to the level equal to happoshu, but such a decision is extremely unlikely in view of the current budget crisis.’

Happoshu tax rates were indeed raised from 2003, but some differentials remain. Other commentary and cases in the WTO (against Korean soju, 1997-9; and Chilean pisco, 1998-2000) suggest that key tests for discrimination among ‘like products’ include their physical characteristics, common end-uses, tariff classifications, and ‘the marketplace’, possibly including evidence from changes in other countries.

So Professor Ichiro Araki’s argument in 2002 still seems valid for at least some types of happoshu – and possibly even now dai-san biiru. And that would suggest some persistent limits to liberalising parts of the alcohol industry in Japan, especially when foreign imports, actual or potential, are involved.

Yet which country and their exporters are really likely to sue Japan?

Possibly, low-cost producers of reasonable beer from nearby countries, such as China (Tsingtao Beer), Thailand (Singha), Singapore (Tiger) – and perhaps even Mexico (Corona) or Australia. But China didn’t accede to the WTO until 2001, and Japanese consumers have gone off Chinese food imports, especially after last year.

Singapore, then Thailand and Mexico, now Australia, wouldn’t want to jeopardise FTAs with Japan by launching a WTO complaint over an issue like this. And the situation is further complicated by Japanese brewers investing overseas, especially Kirin, in brewer Lion Nathan, and more recently Asahi, in Cadbury Schweppes in Australia.

So perhaps all that might be achieved in dealing with these problems in Japan, especially by countries (like Australia) still negotiating an FTA, is through raising the issue to achieve some sort of extra advantage in the overall bilateral deal. Any advantage could be small, given the practicalities of suing (or not). Some questions also remain about applying the substantive legal test in the context of a product like beer rather than spirits. And such bilateral negotiations in any case undermine a transparent multilateral system of international trade law.

Further reading:
For a longer version with statistics, see the Japanese Law and the Asia-Pacific blog.
Also, the Telegraph bases Legal trouble brewing for Japan’s low-tax beer on this article.

4 responses to “Deregulation Japan-style: on the (local) grog”

  1. I don’t blame the protectionism of the Japanese beer breweries for this unique product development in Japan. (Actually, there are some imports of happoshu in Japan. The Daiei supermarket chain sells Bergenbrau, a kind of happoshu produced in Korea under license from Anheuser-Busch InBev, though I don’t think no other country produces dai-san-no-biiru yet.) The skewed tax system in Japan should be blamed for this unproductive investment in tasteless beverages.

    Also, I don’t think the European Commission will be very much interested in filing another case in the WTO about the Japanese beer. They “won” in the previous dispute with Japan over shochu, but what did they gain from their victory? The tax discrimination between shochu and other distilled liquor was eliminated, as requested by the EC. Fearing that raised tax on shochu would dampen their sales, the Japanese shochu distillers started a clever marketing campaign, emphasizing the subtle differences of tastes in micro-distilleries (not unlike those in Scotland) and shifted to high-end products. The resulting shochu “boom” in Japan brought large profit to them. What about the Scotch distillers? Contrary to their expectations, the reduced price of Scotch (as the result of the tax reduction) actually had negative impact on their sales. I suspect that this was because Scotch whisky (like Johnny Walker and Chivas Regal) was typically used as corporate gifts. Ironically, it was important that they carried high price tags. The shochu boom didn’t help either. As the WTO panel correctly pointed out, whisky and shochu are substitutable and/or directly competitive products. If the consumption of shochu goes up, the consumption of whisky goes down. So, overall, the European Communities did not gain much out of this costly litigation.

  2. Interesting that happoshu is being imported from Korea, presumably a lower-cost manufacturing base. Makes me wonder again if there could be more scope for exporting real beer into Japan from other countries in the region if tax rates were equalised more.

    As for “third-category beer” (with no malt at all), Australian Customs apparently tested some products recently for “malternatives” and concluded that they were not beer. But this review does not seem to have affected “Smirnoff Platinum”, a new product that sells for much less than say vodka-based “Smirnoff Ice Double Black” (with similar alcohol content) precisely because tax on beer-based products is now half that on “alcopops”, raised last April to diminish their popularity among young drinkers. But Health Minister Nicola Roxon has said:

    “I will take a dim view of anyone seeking to exploit current tax arrangements. It’s about time the producers of alcopops and malternatives considered the impact these drinks have on the community rather than just their profit margins.”

    [“Smirnoff Platinum beats alcopop laws”, The Daily Telegraph, 17 January 2009, http://www.news.com.au/couriermail/story/0,23739,24929101-23272,00.html%5D

    So, we seem to have similar behaviour by producers (and consumers) in Japan and Australia, responding to tax rate differentials. But a greater (expressed) concern in Australia with implications for public health rather than protecting the tax base, as the government tries to use tax rates to keep young people away from sweeter alcoholic beverages.

    I wonder how Japanese health experts have responded to the popularity of sweet “chu-hai” alcopops in Japan, mostly based on shochu, and whether that market development was also a response by shochu manufacturers to the adverse WTO ruling in the shochu-whisky case.

    By the way, JETRO Sydney has just circulated a report on Japanese brewers’ recent investments into the beverages industry in this part of the world, including also Suntory’s October 2008 acquisition of Frucor, NZ’s second largest non-alcoholic drinks manufacturer: http://www.jetro.go.jp/australia/topics/20090107716-topics.

  3. I question at least one aspect deregulation of alcohol in Japan over the long term. Japan certainly has a lot of vending machines, but there is nothing new about that. It is my impression that there are fewer vending machines selling a narrower range of alcoholic products now than when I previously lived long term in Japan thirty years ago. Especially notable for their absence are one (two?) liter cans of beer in vending machines.

  4. I think you’re right: I remember reading that numbers of vending machines for alcohol are in long-term decline, despite trying to move with the times by adding an ID card reader – or then disabling it. This parallels the decline of the Mom & Pop liquor store, and the rise of the convenience store selling alcohol due to deregulation.

    Good question too about those jumbo cans of beer – where have they gone? Maybe convenience don’t want to stock them because they take up too much space. Or maybe the Japanese have tended to party less since the 1990s …

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