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Taiwan’s colour-coded politics

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In Brief

Taiwan will hold its fifth direct presidential election on 14 January. But many Taiwanese will go to the ballot box without understanding the specific differences between the two leading presidential candidates.

In Taiwan, people tend to vote for the colour — blue for the Kuomintang (KMT) and green for the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) — rather than the strengths and qualities associated with each candidate.

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For many, Taiwan epitomises the success of democracy in Asia — some foreign policy analysts have even called Taiwan’s democracy a potential model for China. The high voter turnout during Taiwan’s elections is one example of its strong democratic values, with the past four direct presidential elections all receiving over 75 pr cent voter turnout.

But whether the voting population makes informed decisions about which candidate can fix Taiwan’s economy and enhance its role in world affairs is another story.

In 1979, during the Kaohsiung Incident, demonstrators purposefully chose December 10 — UN Human Rights Day — to call for increased democracy and human rights under the authoritarian KMT rule. Although military police suppressed the protest, the incident produced a decade of struggle between the KMT and ‘outside parties’ (tangwai), along with a growing recognition and appreciation of democracy and self-determination. The DPP was officially formed in 1986 as a direct result of the protests. Ten years later, in 1996, Taiwan held its inaugural direct presidential election.

With this background in mind, voters today find it almost impossible to detach the history associated with each party when they cast their vote. Instead, politics is an outlet for most Taiwanese to showcase their historical identity and beliefs. Those who were born in Taiwan — and especially the children of those who lived through the White Terror of 1949–1987 — are weary of any KMT administration. They have developed a strong sense of nationalism, or rather a passion to ‘guard’ their island against the ‘foreign’ occupation of the KMT. But for those Taiwanese who fled with Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek in 1949 from mainland China, the KMT represents a sense of belonging — a sentiment now passed onto their children. It seems that those who lived through Taiwan’s most politically turbulent periods will continue to vote for presidential candidates based on the histories associated with each party, rather than voting for the candidates themselves.

Many Taiwanese youths will also vote on 14 January without an in-depth understanding of the political differences between the presidential candidates, but for different reasons to their predecessors. The younger generation — mostly grandchildren of those who fled in 1949 — lacks a general interest in domestic politics. But the deteriorating quality of news reporting in Taiwan has hindered any opportunity to know politics at a deeper level in any case.

Most Taiwanese news services now broadcast events that simply amuse the public, rather than informing citizens of the most significant political developments. The news will often cover what many Taiwanese call the kou shui zhan (literally meaning the ‘saliva fight’) between President Ma Ying-jeou and DPP Chairwoman Tsai Ing-wen. The two candidates have focused their campaigns on coming up with condescending phrases, rather than taking the opportunity to share their political platforms. As a result of these two factors — the lack of interest in domestic politics and Taiwan’s poor quality of news broadcasting — the younger generation has not interested itself with the candidates’ domestic and foreign policies.

Many voters also overlook the presidential candidates’ personal qualities. Domestically, Tsai is not seen as the intellectual scholar along the lines of which she presented herself during a visit to Harvard in 2011. Her support comes more from those who ‘oppose President Ma’ rather than those who ‘support Chairwoman Tsai’. Simply put, it is not Tsai herself who is gaining votes; it is the party, colour and history that she represents — the DPP, the green and the democratic struggle against the authoritarian KMT.

Similarly, many voters continue to neglect Ma’s personal qualities. Although his economic engagement with China has brought a flight of capital, most DPP supporters choose to ignore his accomplishments, focusing single-mindedly on his flaws. In particular, his detractors argue that the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement has only benefitted Taiwan’s big businesses and foreign multinationals, and has hurt the younger generation. Ma will continue to face difficulty in gaining the votes of those who perceive the KMT as the blue, the historically violent and as being associated with communist China.

On 14 January, many Taiwanese will choose to vote along colour lines, rather than candidates’ platforms. This should not be the case in a successful democracy like Taiwan. Taiwanese citizens must come to see past the parties’ historical ties and begin to examine the presidential candidates with scrutiny. Local media should also report on the actual political contest rather than comparing slogans. In order for Taiwan to maintain its status as a vibrant democracy, its citizens need to actively evaluate the implications of candidates’ domestic and foreign policies before casting their valuable votes.

Jennifer Chen is a recent graduate of School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University.

3 responses to “Taiwan’s colour-coded politics”

  1. I don’t think this article is based on very sound knowledge.
    If the author had spent this last week here in Taiwan, she would have seen a very different picture from the one she is describing.
    I am rather offended that she would think that youths, even adults vote only for a party line. Taiwan has come a long way, although it definitely still has a long way to go.
    Taiwan is not as backward as this article would suggest.

    • I agree with Anna. I have been studying Taiwanese society since 2003, and I find this article not only misleading but obnoxious. Taiwanese political debates are a lot more mature than she made it sound like. People are well aware of various social and economic policies that each candidate is advocating and they do have healthy critical opinions about them.

  2. I also find it quite strange that the advocates considering politicians without regard to their backgrounds. When I consider the likely effects on Taiwan’s democratic consolidation of having Ma Ying-jeou as president, for example, I’d be a fool not to take into account his longstanding opposition to democracy and his party’s authoritarian history. If I want to understand how Tsai Ing-wen’s policies will be carried out, I’d be a fool not to take note of previous DPP political behavior. The article deliberately ignores why Ma became so unpopular — not merely the failure of ECFA to bring benefits, but his out of touch personal style, his tapping of academics with little experience of government for high posts, the lack of policy momentum in urgently needed areas from local government debt to income inequality to Taiwan’s regressive tax system to regional and national land planning, the lack of important policy accomplishments despite KMT control of the legislature, and so on, as well as his utterly incompetent campaign which was saved only by greater DPP incompetence in the final three weeks. Similarly, it ignores the knocks on Tsai — her incompetently run campaign, her lack of experience of running a complex regional government such as a city or a county, her inability to deliver a fiery, passionate speech, her poor handling of the foreign press, and so on. Younger voters (voters of all ages!) are well aware of these things and frequently speak on them. There are good reasons that Ma turned a 17 point win over Hsieh into a 6 point win over Tsai, and it went undiscovered in this caricature of Taiwan voters.

    Michael Turton

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