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Corporate governance and Chinese FDI in Australia

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In Brief

Chinese outward foreign direct investment (FDI) has surged since 2003.

In 2010, China’s FDI reached US$57.9 billion, nearly 20 times 2003 levels, and accounted for over 5 per cent of global FDI. Since 2007, Australia has become one of the world’s largest destinations for Chinese FDI.

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Compared with FDI in Australia from the US, UK, and Japan, China’s FDI is relatively small, only accounting for about 1.5 per cent of the total stock of FDI, and is concentrated in the resources sector, rather than spread over other major industries, as is the case with US, UK and Japanese firms.

China’s FDI in Australia seemed to slow down a little after the global financial crisis (GFC).  One reason was reduced demand for global capital by Australian firms, coupled with stimulatory monetary policy in other countries. Yet the Australian economy held up well in the crisis and the availability of capital within Chinese firms was a major factor that promoted their continuing investment in Australia during the GFC.

When cash is no longer king, Chinese firms will need to look deeper at what needs to be done to ensure the success of their FDI in Australia and elsewhere.

A crucial issue for Chinese firms is the improvement of corporate governance.  This is a major concern that the Australian government, the general public and business communities have about Chinese FDI in Australia, partly because most of China’s FDI has been made by Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs). In 2009, the Australian Senate Economics Committee launched an inquiry into Chinese FDI by SOEs. One of the key issues the committee examined was corporate governance in SOEs. In its re-vamped Foreign Investment Policy the Australian government has explicitly introduced corporate governance practices of foreign investors as an element in assessing how their proposed FDI impacts on Australia’s national interest, which is the most fundamental criterion in evaluating FDI applications. In the cases of Minmetal’s acquisition of the majority assets of OZ Minerals and Yan Coal’s takeover of Felix Recourses, the Australian government imposed several corporate governance requirements as conditions for approval of these investment applications.

Good corporate governance practices enhance the quality of corporate decision-making (including investment decisions), alleviate risks and align management with its organisational purpose, thus improving investment performance.

Putting in place a good corporate governance system is a big challenge for Chinese firms as corporate governance is a relatively new concept in China. For Chinese subsidiaries in Australia, this can be more difficult as they have to deal with the vast differences in corporate governance between China and Australia.

Corporate governance is an issue in Chinese firms. Conventionally, Chinese firms have been governed on a relationship basis. Chinese government, rather than the board of directors, is still heavily involved in the appointment of senior managers to SOEs. Many board members in Chinese firms are either inside directors, or related outsiders. The low degree of board independence is therefore a problem.

Most Chinese companies in Australia have CEOs appointed from the parent company, particularly in Chinese SOEs. By contrast, a Chinese private firm largely left intact the entire board and CEO of an Australian mining company, after acquiring a majority share.

This ‘create-it’ or ‘leave-it’ approach reflects the difficulties Chinese firms face in dealing with corporate governance in their subsidiaries or entities in which they have a greater than 50 per cent stake.

A market-based approach should be taken in appointing top management and the board of directors to Chinese subsidiaries and majority-owned entities to ensure that Chinese firms in Australia operate effectively and efficiently in the Australian context. It is widely acknowledged that poor corporate governance at BP was one of the major causes for its oil spills in the Gulf of Mexico last year.

As China becomes more powerful, politically and economically, and expands its business globally, more and more governments have Chinese investment on their radar. Australia is no exception. From an economic perspective, good corporate citizenship can earn Chinese firms a reputation of being responsible, long-term players, making China’s FDI more attractive to Australia.

The relationship between China and Australia has been very strong since 1972 when diplomatic ties were established. This does not mean there are no differences between the two countries, particularly in the areas of ideology and national security. Besides maintaining contacts at the highest political levels and dialogue on key issues of concern to both countries, enhancing Chinese corporate governance through experience in the Australian marketplace will help to alleviate tension in other areas and build an even stronger relationship between the two countries down the track.

Xueli Huang is Senior Lecturer of Strategic Management at RMIT University, and is co-author,  with Ian Austin at Edith Cowan University, of a new book entitled ‘Chinese Investment in Australia: Unique Insight from the Mining Industry, to be published by Palgrave-Macmillan July.

4 responses to “Corporate governance and Chinese FDI in Australia”

  1. I find it hard to believe that Chinese FDI makes up only 1.5% of Australian total FDI. I do not know if FDI takes into account the investment in real estate. If it doesn’t then there has to be another index to account for that which has affected not only the housing affordability in Australia but also is causing the downturn now due to the funds drying up.
    There should be limitations placed on FDI which steals the nation’s wealth and thereby deprive the citizens of long term benefits from Australia’s resources.

  2. GypsyOwl,

    1.5% refers to the “total stock of FDI”, not the annual flow. In 2009, China had a total stock of $9 billion of FDI in Australia, compared with $436 billion from all countries.
    But the amount of FDI that *arrived* in 2009, from China, was $7.8billion, compared with $160billion from all countries. Chinese FDI to Australia more than tripled from 2008 to 2009. These figures come from here:
    http://www.aph.gov.au/library/pubs/bn/eco/ForeignInvestmentAust.htm

    I don’t have more recent data, but if Chinese FDI were now >$20billion, and total FDI in Australia was still around $160 (not totally impossible) then China may have supplied around 12% of FDI to Australia this year. That would be consistent with China supplying only 1.5% of total, cumulative FDI, since before 2008 their investment here was negligible.

    As for your idea that FDI “steals the nations wealth and thereby deprives the citizens of long term benefits from Australia’s resources”, have a read of this: http://epress.anu.edu.au/china_new_place/pdf/ch16.pdf

    There’s a section addressing the benefits of FDI, and it specifically addresses Chinese state-owned investment in Australian resources.

  3. @GypsyOwl: Think you missed the point of the post but here’s some quick observations…

    First, why is this hard to believe? Although it takes up a disproportionate amount of media coverage China’s direct investment is a relatively new yet growing phenomenon. Have a look at the data on the Australian Bureau of Statistics website if you’re not convinced (it does take into account real estate).

    Could you expand on your idea that FDI, “steals the nation’s wealth and thereby deprive the citizens of long term benefits from Australia’s resources”?

    My comments to you on this (unsupported) point would be that, if you’re talking about Australia then the FIRB provides an independent and effective safeguard for national interests. The limitations on FDI have been used effectively in cases such as Lynus (you can see the detailed submission information on the FIRB’s Freedom of Information release on the case).

    The difference between what you speak about hysterically and what actually happens (thankfully) is that while the FIRB provides a safeguard it works in such a way that ensures Australia and China’s investment relationship is still globally the most effective (based on actual investment compared to estimated potential). This allows us to ensure that we reap returns on our nation’s resource wealth – not sure how they’re ‘stealing’ it from Australia.

    Second, if you read the research on FDI you’ll realise that it is a long-term commitment (requiring a +10% stake in a company under the OECD definition) and generally requires high-level management input, meaning there are more incentives to work with local governments and abide by market rules. Furthermore, FDI (more so than trade) provides long-term opportunities for local employment.

    Not sure if these sorts of comments push the debate in the right direction – maybe best to keep these gems for the Herald Sun website?

  4. The article did not address a crucial dimension of FDI: the ability of the foreign investor to run local business assets better than local competitors. The foreign investor pays more for the assets than the locals think they are worth (which puts to rest the dumb argument above about ”stealing the Nations Wealth”) and is subject to various special costs of running an enterprise from a distance in an ‘unfriendly’ environment. Thus, if the foreign investor does not bring along better technology and management skills (of which ‘good’ CG is only one component) they will not succeed in the long run. In this regard, Chinese SOEs are not known for their skills of managing operations outside China! Inexpensive capital provides only a fleeting advantage — as demonstrated by the wave of Japanese FDI in the US during the early 80ies most of which failed except a few where they had better skills like building reliable cars.

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