Peer reviewed analysis from world leading experts

Xi’s Chinese Dream: collective strength for national rejuvenation

Reading Time: 5 mins

In Brief

With each Chinese leader a new ideological formulation is added to the regime’s canon of guiding principles.

Above all are the theories of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping, but leaders in recent years have also made contributions.

Share

  • A
  • A
  • A

Share

  • A
  • A
  • A

These are usually framed with a particular contemporary concern in mind: Jiang Zemin’s Three Represents sought to make the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) more representative of Chinese society at large; Hu Jintao’s Scientific Development Concept broadly aimed to address rising inequality. Through the process of contributing a new ideological principle, leaders leave an enduring stamp on the direction of the Party. China’s new leader Xi Jinping is no different. He offers the ‘Chinese Dream’.

Since it was first invoked by Xi in late November 2012 the Chinese Dream has assumed all the characteristics and ubiquity of a new ideological concept. It has been vigorously promoted across media and society, including various forums in which citizens have been invited to contribute their own dreams for China. Xi has invariably invoked the concept in each public appearance, exhorting his audience to work toward the achievement of the Chinese Dream. The head of the CCP Propaganda Department has called the promotion of the Chinese Dream an important task. Despite its robust promotion the Chinese Dream differs from previous ideological contributions in a significant way: it is more populist and accessible. Rather than being cloaked in jargon, or seeking to justify itself in a wider ideological context, the concept of the Chinese Dream seems to be more a commitment to national rejuvenation and the role of the people in the rise of China.

At the core of the Chinese Dream is an aspiration for China to fully develop into a great power. Xi’s first mention of the concept came amid a tour of an exhibition of China’s past humiliations, during which he referred to the ‘rejuvenation of the Chinese nation’ as the ‘greatest Chinese dream’.

Beyond the nationalist tone, the conception includes more populist concerns. During his first address as President of China, Xi articulated the notion as a dream of strength, prosperity and the happiness of the people. This rhetoric has been extended into the new official line that the Chinese Dream is the dream of all Chinese people. A similar reference was made by Xi in his first address as General Secretary, when he referred to ‘aspirations for a beautiful life’ for the Chinese people. This attempt to identify the concept with the public makes promotion of the Chinese Dream somewhat resembling of a political campaign — an attempt to reconnect the ruling order with the people and involve them in its achievement. The achievement of the Chinese Dream has been presented as a collective struggle that can only be achieved with united action. The implication is that these collective efforts must be put ahead of personal advancement.

Given the opacity of the political process in China it is impossible to ascertain all of the various influences that contributed to the formulation of the Chinese Dream. One possible influence can be found in Colonel Liu Mingfu’s controversial book The China Dream. Liu is noted for his hawkishness, and his book was only available on a restricted basis until earlier this year, when it was republished and released for public consumption. This coincided with the beginning of the leadership change and Xi’s ascension. While it is difficult to truly ascertain the full influence of the book on Xi’s thinking (or even if he has read it) the striking similarity of the rhetoric suggests some connection or influence might be possible. Liu writes: ‘The achievement of the revival of the great Chinese nation is the greatest China dream of the modern era’ and that the achievement of the China dream will enable China ‘to become the most prosperous, the strongest and happiest nation in the world again’. While the similarity of Xi’s rhetoric with that of Liu may raise some concerns of expansionist implications, so far the focus of the China Dream has been firmly domestic and is yet to manifest a significant foreign policy dimension. The closest possible inference on international matters came during Xi’s recent trip to Russia, where he stated that the rise of China need not come at the expense of any other nation.

Xi commented at the recent Boao Forum that the Chinese Dream would be achieved by the middle of this century. Based upon the present rhetoric, the achievement of the Chinese Dream would bring China to a more significant global position, with greater development and prosperity at home. The concept of national rejuvenation is not new in China but the concept of the China Dream makes rejuvenation an explicit national policy. While the ideological offerings of past leaders have tinkered around the edges, Xi has set an ambitious agenda early in his time in power. Time will tell if his Chinese Dream comes true.

Brendan Forde is a PhD candidate at the Contemporary China Centre, ANU College of Asia & the Pacific, Australian National University.

One response to “Xi’s Chinese Dream: collective strength for national rejuvenation”

  1. Even though Chinese dream is vague and open-ended, the reference to strongest China in conjunction with recent military adventures unquestionably point to expansionism. The prompt visit to Navy base in charge of South China Sea, the escalation of Chinese aggression in disputed areas and repeated mentions of expanding core interests beyond Taiwan definitely are propaganda aiming at turning up nationalist preparedness.
    By 2050, the CCP will hang on to power if it fails the most prosperous and the happiest tests but not the sovereignty over disputed lands and waters.In fact, Chinese will neither be prosperous nor happy when they are provoking determined opposition from most of their neighbors.

Support Quality Analysis

Donate
The East Asia Forum office is based in Australia and EAF acknowledges the First Peoples of this land — in Canberra the Ngunnawal and Ngambri people — and recognises their continuous connection to culture, community and Country.

Article printed from East Asia Forum (https://www.eastasiaforum.org)

Copyright ©2024 East Asia Forum. All rights reserved.