Diplomatic currents running strong in the South China Sea

The aircraft carrier Varyag being renovated at a shipyard in Dalian city, China 19 March 2012. The Chinese navy will deploy it in the increasingly political arena of the South China Sea, the Shanghai Daily newspaper reported. (Photo: AAP)

Author: Carlyle A. Thayer, UNSW Canberra

Chinese civilian maritime surveillance vessels carried out a number of aggressive activities in parts of the South China Sea claimed by the Philippines and Vietnam in early 2011, raising regional tensions and sparking concern in the US and throughout the region about maritime security. 

This concern now seems largely abated, after diplomatic efforts produced a somewhat unexpected positive development. Read more…

Rising tensions in the South China Sea

Filipino protesters display their placards during a rally outside the Chinese consular office in Manila. The protesters condemned the Chinese military incursions into the West Philippine Sea even as they called for a peaceful resolution. The US supports the Philippines in its claim to certain areas in the disputed Spratly Islands. The disputed area is believed to be rich in oil, mineral and marine resources. (Photo: AAP)

Author: Vikram Nehru, Carnegie Endowment

Tensions continue to rise in the South China Sea following the Obama administration’s foreign policy ‘pivot’ toward Asia late last year.

There are many reasons for the pivot, but a principal motivation was to protect the freedom of navigation in the Malacca Straits and the South China Sea. Read more…

Vietnam confronts the Chinese ‘charm offensive’

Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao waves to media as he arrives at Noi Bai airport in Hanoi on 28 Oct. 2010. (Photo: AAP)

Author: Le Hong Hiep, Vietnam National University

Vietnam is arguably the most ‘sinicised’ country in Southeast Asia, a distinctive result of more than 2000 years of intense interaction between Vietnam and China.

But the Vietnamese absorption of Chinese culture is neither a straightforward process nor an inescapable outcome of geographical proximity; it is much more nuanced. Read more…

The South China Sea dispute: a legal solution needed

Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda and South Korean President Lee Myung-bak during the ASEAN Plus Three Summit on 18 November, 2011. Jiabao warned against outside interference over the South China Sea dispute, in a challenge to Washington which wants to broach the issue at an Asian summit. (Photo: APP)

Author: John Hemmings, CSIS, Honolulu

At both the APEC and ASEAN summits, attempts were made to deal with the building impasse over the South China Sea issue.

Tensions over the region have grown steadily since 2009, after China, Vietnam and Malaysia submitted their respective claims under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). China’s naval exercises in the region and apparent willingness to showcase its military capabilities in favour of its claims have also exacerbated these tensions. Read more…

The US in the EAS: implications for US–ASEAN relations

US President Barack Obama applauds with Southeast Asian leaders, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (L), Philippines President Benigno Aquino (2nd L) and Brunei Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah (R), during a group photo session for the leaders of the East Asia Summit in Nusa Dua in Bali, Indonesia, on 19 November, 2011. (Photo: AAP).

Author: Ralf Emmers, RSIS

The US recently participated in the East Asia Summit (EAS) for the first time — a decision that has wider implications for US–ASEAN relations.

The decision to join the EAS is part of a recalibration of US foreign policy vis-à-vis ASEAN-led multilateral institutions. This shift in policy reflects a broader attempt by the US to re-engage with Southeast Asia — after years of perceived indifference — and is equally related to China’s growing influence in the Asia Pacific region. Read more…

ASEAN’s newer members and the Asian noodle bowl

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen addresses journalists after the tripartite meeting with Thailand and Indonesia during the ASEAN Summit at the Jakarta Convention Centre, Indonesia 08 May 2011.

Author: Jayant Menon, ADB

When discussing Laos’ upcoming ASEAN membership with a senior government official in 1995, he insisted the reason his country wanted to join the regional organisation was because Vietnam had just done so.

The response revealed two things. First, Laos, like its neighbouring ASEAN aspirants at the time — Cambodia and Myanmar — did not want to be left behind, and wanted out of the economic wilderness by joining ‘the club’. Second, there was very little appreciation of what membership would entail, let alone what it could evolve into. Read more…

Vietnam: Under the weight of China

Protesters holding patriotic and anti-China posters shout slogans during a anti-China rally before they were detained and dispersed by police in the center of Hanoi on August 21, 2011. (Photo: AAP)

Author: Le Hong Hiep, Vietnam National University

Some researchers liken China to a rooster, with Korea as its beak and Vietnam its leg.

The analogy highlights the strategic importance of Vietnam toward China, especially in terms of security, while also suggesting that Vietnam must live under China’s weight. Vietnam is therefore, in Carlyle Thayer’s words, condemned to a ‘tyranny of geography’ where it has no choice but to learn to share its destiny with neighbouring China. Read more…

ASEAN’s talk shop function and US engagement

The recent series of ASEAN foreign ministers’ meetings, including the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) held in Bali last month, proved that ASEAN’s talk shop function is still of some value. (Photo: AAP)

Author: Takashi Terada, Waseda University

ASEAN’s function is often described as being limited to a ‘talk shop’ that merely provides venues where ministers and leaders from larger states join together to exchange views on regional security and economic issues.

So long as the so-called ‘ASEAN Way’ — which informally stipulates non-intervention, non-binding and consensus-based decision-making approaches to regional cooperation — is maintained, ASEAN’s major role will not go beyond hosting the ‘talk shop’. Yet the talk shop’s value could be enhanced if delegates discussed the hard issues, regardless of whether any binding obligations ensued. Read more…

China and the South China Sea: Time for a code of conduct?

A destroyer of the Chinese Navy in the South China Sea Fleet fires a missile during a training in South China Sea Saturday. (Photo: AAP)

Author: Aileen S.P. Baviera, RSIS

In the last several months, a number of incidents occurred that highlight what appears to be a growing willingness on the part of China to use its armed strength to pressure and influence rival claimants, particularly the Philippines and Vietnam, in the disputed South China Sea.

In February, there were reported incidents of Filipino fishermen being threatened and fired on by Chinese vessels. On 2 March 2011, two Chinese patrol boats confronted a Philippine oil exploration vessel, MV Veritas Voyager, and ordered it to cease activities in the Reed Bank area, which they said was under Chinese jurisdiction. Read more…

Can Indonesia mediate the South China Sea dispute?

A Philippine naval officer stands on guard before a US-Philippine joint naval military exercise near the disputed Spratly islands on June 28, 2011. (Photo: AAP)

Author: Fenna Egberink, the Netherlands

Tensions over the overlapping claims in the South China Sea (SCS) have mounted in the past months, with hostilities accelerating since the beginning of June.

The row between China, Vietnam and the Philippines has urged current ASEAN chair, Indonesia, to step up. Read more…

Where to for ASEAN+3’s Macroeconomic Research Office?

Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono deliveres speech during the opening ceremony of the 18th Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit at Jakarta Convention Center in Jakarta, Indonesia, 07 May 2011. (Photo: AAP)

Author: Eko Saputro, Deakin University

The 14th ASEAN+3 Finance Minister’s Meeting (AFMM+3) in Hanoi, Vietnam, has welcomed the establishment of the ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic Research Office (AMRO), whose job it will be to maintain surveillance of the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralisation (CMIM), and support its full operation.

As regional self-help mechanism, the CMIM aims to provide liquidity support arrangement in response to short-term liquidity difficulty during crisis, and also becomes a supplement for the existing international support fund facility. Read more…