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Political dynasties dominate Japan’s democracy

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apan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe delivers his policy speech at the lower house of parliament in Tokyo, Japan, 17 November 17, 2017. (Photo: Reuters/Kim Kyung-Hoon).

In Brief

Hereditary political succession is not limited to monarchical and autocratic systems of government. Politicians from families that have previously occupied high office take top positions in many democratic countries. In Japan, hereditary politics show little sign of abating.

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Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) politicians who inherited their seats accounted for about 45 per cent of the National Diet, Japan’s parliament, in the early 1990s. One would think that as Japan matured as an industrialised democracy, there would be more newcomers and less room for political inheritance. That’s far from the case.

It is not just so-called second-generation politicians who seek and hold political office. The numbers of third- and fourth-generation hereditary politicians are also on the rise. Even today, roughly 30 per cent of the Lower House and 40 per cent of LDP parliamentarians come from political families.

Of Japan’s 30 post-war prime ministers, only three have had no political family background. Current Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has a strong political pedigree. His maternal grandfather, Nobusuke Kishi, was Japan’s prime minister in the 1950s and his father, Shintaro Abe, was Japan’s foreign minister in the 1980s.

Three candidates likely to challenge Abe’s hold on the LDP leadership in the near future also come from political families: Shigeru Ishiba, Fumio Kishida and Taro Kono.

Ishiba’s father once served as Japan’s home minister and as governor of Tottori, their home prefecture. Shigeru Ishiba himself has held powerful roles such as minister of Defense and of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries.

Kishida served as foreign minister under Abe in 2012–17. His father and grandfather were once members of the Lower House.

Kono replaced Kishida as foreign minister in mid-2017 and is the son of Yohei Kono, who was the longest serving speaker of the Lower House and an LDP heavyweight. Taro Kono’s grandfather was also a politician.

Internal Affairs and Communications Minister Seiko Noda, who also holds leadership ambitions, comes from a political family too. Her grandfather was a member of the Lower House and served in ministerial positions.

Looking even further into the future, Japan’s next generation of leaders and prime ministers are also hereditary politicians.

Five prominent names come into the mix when talking about Japanese politics in the years to come: Yuko Obuchi, Shinjiro Koizumi, Tatsuo Fukuda, Gaku Hashimoto and Yasutaka Nakasone.

Yuko Obuchi is the daughter of Keizo Obuchi, who served as Japan’s prime minister from 1998 to 2000. Keizo Obuchi’s father was also a parliamentarian. After Keizo Obuchi’s sudden death while in office, Yuko Obuchi inherited her father’s seat at the age of 26. She became the first female minister of Economy, Trade and Industry at the age of 40, which is considered young in Japan for a senior ministerial position. Many commentators and media outlets consider her prime minister material, even after a political funding scandal in 2014 that forced her to resign from the portfolio.

In a February 2018 poll, Shinjiro Koizumi ranked second in the prime ministerial race (following Abe, while Ishiba came third). Shinjiro Koizumi is the son of the popular and reform-minded former prime minister Junichiro Koizumi, who served in 2001–06. While Shinjiro Koizumi has yet to take a cabinet position, he has been elected as a member of parliament four times in his father’s former seat and has served in junior ministerial positions. His popularity was demonstrated by his election as an LDP member in 2009, in a year when many veteran LDP politicians lost their seats due to a tsunami of support for the opposition Democratic Party of Japan. Dubbed Japan’s ‘Macron’, Koizumi is quietly preparing himself to be a front-runner.

Others are relatively new players. Tatsuo Fukuda is the son of former prime minister Yasuo Fukuda and grandson of former prime minister Takeo Fukuda. Tatsuo Fukuda serves as a junior minister of defence. He was elected to parliament for the first time at the age of 45 in 2012, inheriting his father’s constituency.

Gaku Hashimoto is the son of Ryutaro Hashimoto, who was prime minister in 1996–98. Gaku Hashimoto has already served in many junior ministerial positions and is in his fourth term as a parliamentarian from his father’s electoral district. His grandfather was also a parliamentarian and his uncle was governor of Kochi prefecture.

Finally, Yasutaka Nakasone is a freshly minted parliamentarian, elected for the first time in 2017. His father, Hirofumi Nakasone, was once Japan’s foreign minister and his grandfather, Yasuhiro Nakasone, was one of Japan’s longest serving prime ministers. Although still a first timer, Yasutaka Nakasone’s political ancestry and young age of 36 mean he stands a good chance of serving in top ministerial positions in the near future.

Although there has been much talk about reforming the political system to reduce the influence of hereditary politicians, inheritance politics is still alive and kicking in Japan.

As long as the personal local support organisations and vote gathering mechanisms remain strongly embedded in the political system, it is hard to imagine a significant decline in the number of hereditary politicians occupying key political positions in Japan. Democracy through inheritance leaves only a small window of opportunity for newcomers to rise to the top.

Purnendra Jain is Professor in the Department of Asian Studies at the University of Adelaide.

Takeshi Kobayashi holds a Master’s degree in International Relations from American University, Cairo and currently serves as a staffer to a House of Councillors member.

2 responses to “Political dynasties dominate Japan’s democracy”

  1. “His maternal grandfather, Nobusuke Kishi, was Japan’s prime minister in the 1950s and his father, Shintaro Abe, was Japan’s foreign minister in the 1980s.”

    Curious that this article as do so many others presents Abe as though he had only one grandfather. Like most people he had two. His paternal grandfather was also a politician and Diet member albeit rather different from his maternal grandfather.

    His paternal grandfather Abe Kan was a critic of the Tojo regime and like Saito Takao managed win a Diet seat in 1942 despite his political stance. Unfortunately, he died in 1948 and thus presumably had no personal influence on Abe Shinzo but in making the case for Abe as a hereditary politician, failure to mention Abe Kan is a curious omission.

  2. The world can be excused for not knowing much about Japan’s new defense minister Nobuo Kishi, for he is Shinzo Abe’s younger brother. About 40per cent of National Diet members inherited their seats, and only 4 (including Suga) of 31 post-war prime ministers have no political dynasty background. In 1945, both General Doihara Kenji and Nobusuke Kishi were imprisoned for brutality, including forcing millions of Chinese peasants into Manchukuo slavery. In 1948, General Doihara Kenji was executed, whereas Kishi was hand-picked by America to steer Japan. Even if Bush-Clinton-Trump were all from the same family, they still would be dwarfed by the Kishi-Abe-Sato family: member of the House of Representatives, Kan Abe, 1937-1946. Prime minister, Nobusuke Kishi, 1957 – 1960. Prime minister, Eisaku Sato, 1964 – 1972. Foreign minister, Shintaro Abe, 1982 -1986. Prime minister, Shinzo Abe, 2006 – 2007 and again from 2012 – 2020. Defense minister, Nobuo Kishi, from 2020.
    Kishi-Abe-Sato. All from the same family. All from the same political party. All substantially controlled and financed by big brother America.
    “During the same period, there were questions about the M-fund, a secret American fund intended to stabilize Japan economically. The American Assistant Attorney General Norbert Schlei alleged that starting in 1957: “Beginning with Prime Minister Kishi, the Fund has been treated as a private preserve of the individuals into whose control it has fallen. Those individuals have felt able to appropriate huge sums from the Fund for their own personal and political purposes . The litany of abuses begins with Kishi who, after obtaining control of the fund from (then Vice President Richard) Nixon, helped himself to a fortune of one trillion yen. Kakuei Tanaka, who dominated the Fund for longer than any other individual, took from it personally some ten trillion yen. Others who are said to have obtained personal fortunes from the Fund include Mrs. Eisaku Sato and Masaharu Gotoda, a Nakasone ally and former chief cabinet secretary.

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